In 1950, China intervened
in the Korean War to save the North Koreans from being
wiped off the map, and by
1953, the Korean War was over (actually, South Korea
and North Korea are still
technically at war with each other, even though the fighting
stopped in 1953).
In 1958, Mao, who was growing
increasingly distant from Moscow, launched the
Great Leap Forward. The
idea was to mobilize the peasant masses to increase crop
production by collectivizing
the farms and use the excess labor to produce steel.
What ended up happening
was the greatest man-made famine in human history.
From 1958 to 1960, poor
planning and bad management managed to starve 30 million
people to death. Officially,
the government blamed it on "bad weather."
By 1962, the break with the
Soviets was complete, and China started to position itself
as the 'other' superpower
while it recovered from the Great Leap Forward.
Unfortunately...
... in 1966, Mao launched
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The origins of the
Cultural Revolution are
vague, but probably stem, in part, from a growing separation
between Mao's clique and
the rest of the CCP. Mao called upon students to rebel
against authority, and they
did, forming units of Red Guards. China promptly
collapsed into anarchy.
Schools shut down, offices closed, transportation was
disrupted -- it was so bad
that even today, the full history is still far from known. In
terms of the chaos, blood,
and destruction, it was comparable to the French
Revolution, though it lacked
the same political impact. At one point, Red Guards were
fighting pitched battles
with Government troops outside of the Foreign Ministry
building. Later on in the
Cultural Revolution, Red Guard units ended up fighting each
other for supremacy. In
the summer of 1967, there were massive riots in both Hong
Kong and Macau.
One of the reasons why Mao
was able to pull off something like the Cultural
Revolution was because he
was taking on the trappings of an emperor -- indeed, Mao
himself often compared himself
to the First Emperor of China. Another reason was
the political support of
the People's Liberation Army, spearheaded by a general
named Lin Biao. During the
glory years of the Cultural Revolution, Lin became very
close to Mao, and was appointed
his heir-apparent. Lin was also in charge of
developing the 'cult of
personality' around Mao. But after 1969, Lin's position began to
deteriorate, and he vanished
in 1971. Lin apparently died in an airplane crash in
Mongolia; the official story
is that he was fleeing to Russia. Many people believe that
Mao had him murdered. It
is doubtful that the whole story will ever be told, particularly
as the principles involved
(Mao and Lin) have taken their secrets to the grave.
While the Cultural Revolution
'officially' ended in 1969, and the worst abuses stopped
then, the politically charged
atmosphere was maintained until Mao's death in 1976.
Deng Xiaoping, who was purged
twice during the Cultural Revolution (once at the
beginning; once again right
before Mao died); eventually emerged as the paramount
leader in 1978, and promptly
launched his economic reform program.
Deng's actions, initially
limited to agricultural reforms, gradually started to spread to
the rest of the country.
One of his favorite sayings is "It doesn't matter if the cat is
black or white; what matters
is how well it catches mice." This is in direct contrast to
the ideology of the Maoist
years, where a favored slogan was "Better Red than
Expert," which meant, in
practice, that totally unqualified ideologues were put in
charge of projects that
really needed technical expertise.
In 1982 Margaret Thatcher,
then Prime Minister of Britain, went to Beijing to meet
with Deng Xiaopeng. Most
of the talks concerned the issue of Hong Kong. By the
time she had left, the United
Kingdom and the People's Republic of China had signed
an agreement in principle
to hand Hong Kong from the UK over to China. In 1984,
the agreement was formalized
in a document known as the Joint Declaration. The
people of Hong Kong were
never consulted about their future.
Hong Kong is a place of many
ironies, and the handing over of the territory to China
is replete with them. Many
of the people who made Hong Kong what it is today were
only in the territory because
they were fleeing the Communists and are now faced
with the prospect of returning
to Communist rule. The Hong Kong Chinese residents
lucky enough to have British
citizenship are not actually allowed to live in Britain; and
those who hold the British
National (Overseas) [BN(O)] passport will find themselves
PRC nationals after 1997,
whether they like it or not. Finally, there is perversely
poetic justice in the fact
that Hong Kong, which was made by unequal treaties, will be
unmade by an unequal treaty.
As the economic reforms on
the mainland spread, the question of political reform
started to come to the surface,
propelled by events in the Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe. This came to a head
in Tiananmen Square in May, 1989. The leaders of the
Communist Party saw this
as an attack on their power, and proceeded to destroy it.
Officially, 200 unarmed
demonstrators died. The actual figure is far higher, and it is
doubtful that there will
ever be an accurate roll call of those who died on June 4.
After June 4, progress and
reform in China stopped for three years. But in 1993,
Deng Xiaoping, in one of
his last major public appearances, toured the Shenzhen
Special Economic Zone and
emphatically voiced his approval. After that, the Chinese
economy exploded, and it
has only been recently that the economy has cooled off to
more reasonable levels.
One of the most significant
developments in recent history was the death of Deng, on
February 19, 1997. While
he has not been active in politics for some time and has
not appeared in public for
more than three years, the deaths of senior leaders has
always had an unsettling
impact on Chinese politics. Given Deng's former position as
the paramount leader of
the country, the political shockwaves will not only be
substantial, but unpredictable.
On the other hand, given
that Deng had apparently handed over power to Jiang
Zemin several years ago
and 'retired,' we may be witnessing a new epoch in Chinese
politics, one where the
death of a senior leader does not automatically result in a
scramble for power. It will
be several years before we are able to look back and
accurately assess the events
of this period; after all, Mao died in 1976 but it was not
until two years later that
Deng was able to fully consolidate his grip on power.
Either way, the next few years will be interesting times.
Longer term, it is impossible
to predict what will happen. China will probably become
a leading industrial power
sometime in the next century, and it will probably become
more closely economically
tied to its East Asian neighbors. However, predictions that
China will become the world's
largest economy by the year 2020 are based on
unsustainable growth projections.
And if the last 150 years of Chinese history tells us
anything, it is that the
only predictable thing is unpredictability.